GIS Analysis

By Terry L. Jones and Angela Barrios

Issues in Regional Prehistory and Their Spatial Implications - Methods - Results - Summary and Discussion

After nearly three decades of field investigations, including extensive survey, test excavation, and data recoveries, FHL is one of the most heavily studied areas in the central coast region of California. Much of the land within Santa Cruz, Monterey, San Benito, and San Luis Obispo counties is privately owned, and large-contiguous areas open for field research like FHL are rare. While substantial quantities of survey and excavation data are available from a number of shoreline settings (e.g., the Monterey Peninsula, Big Sur, and portions of San Luis Obispo County), there are few locations where extensive survey has been completed on large contiguous inland parcels.

Excavation results from the last two decades have also brought substantial improvement in FHL culture history which raises at least the possibility of using surface data in a more meaningful way (e.g., establish tentative site dating based on surface artifacts) and incorporate spatial distribution of dated components into characterizations of local prehistory. By incorporating time control achieved in this way with GIS technology it is possible to compare a large data base of site information with the distribution of other spatial variables

The present study describes the results of a trial GIS-based analysis of archaeological site distribution patterns within FHL. The objective was to evaluate diachronic patterns in site distribution relative to alternative models/conceptualizations of central coast prehistory, and more specifically to determine whether there is evidence for variation in the use of FHL habitats over time. Using typologies that have emerged from recent excavations, sites were assigned to temporal periods based on surface finds, and to functional categories based on presence/absence of features. Some preliminary observations have been made about possible diachronic site location trends through time in the central coast region (e.g., Dietz and Jackson 1981; Jones et al. 1989; Jones 1992; Jones et al. 1999), but all of these have used only limited data sets. This study incorporates both excavation and surface information from nearly all of the prehistoric sites identified within FHL as of 2003. Distribution of temporally and functionally ascribed site components has been compared to vegetation, which was presumed an important if not critical variable in the location and distribution of settlements across the landscape.

ISSUES IN REGIONAL PREHISTORY AND THEIR SPATIAL IMPLICATIONS

The simplest model with which to evaluate site distribution data would be one derived from an optimal foraging or patch choice model in which foragers would be predicted to exploit highly-ranked habitats first, and then to expand into more low-ranked resource patches. The immediate problem that presents itself in evaluating such a scenario is habit ranking. Jones (1991) proposed a large-scale patch choice construct that incorporates hypothesized habitat rankings. Until more quantitative data become available, rankings will of necessity remain hypothetical.

Jones (1991) proposed that the earliest entrants into California would have targeted a combination of highly ranked gathered foods (e.g., shellfish) and large game animals (extinct megafauna and large herd animals such as tule elk). He argued that early colonization would have been focused on estuaries, lakes, and islands, and only later would human have expanded their settlements to include rocky coasts and interior valleys such as the San Antonio and Nacimiento valleys within FHL. Erlandson (1991), however, ascribed small seeds processed with milling stones to the optimal diet, which would suggest that seed-rich grasslands may have been occupied and exploited very early in central California. McGuire and Hildebrandt (1996) further suggested that smaller animals such as rabbits represent the optimal prey in California. This would imply an early settlement emphasis on habitats most preferred by such animals as cottontail and jack rabbits.

Collectively, these alternative characterizations represent the first issue that can be addressed empirically with settlement data from FHL. Absent experimental or ethnographic data that could clarify resource ranking, habitats that would have provided an optimal suite of resources for the earliest human inhabitants of central coastal California should be indicated by the locations of the earliest sites in the area. At present, the oldest sites in the overall region are found on the rocky coasts (e.g., CA-SLO-2, CA- -177, and -369), estuaries (CA-SLO-832), and inland valleys (CA-SLO-1920, -1797, and CA-SCR-177). On a large scale, FHL would seem to encompass potentially attractive plant communities comparable to those in the Paso Robles area (SLO-1920), and it is reasonable to suspect that FHL was witness to human occupation as early as at Paso Robles,. It remains to be seen whether possible lacustrine/marsh environments, grasslands, chaparral, or other habitats within FHL harbor evidence for the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene human occupation.

Closely related to the question of earliest site location patterns are issues concerning the settlement preferences associated with the first cultural pattern unequivocally represented in the region: the Milling Stone Culture or Horizon. All of the earliest occupations defined in the central coast region are regional expressions of the broader Milling Stone pattern which persisted until ca. 3500 B.C. It remains to be determined whether there is any apparent preference for certain plant communities during the period when the Milling Stone culture was prevalent.

More tangible settlement implications can be developed for later periods in central coast prehistory, in particular cultural expressions that date from mid-Holocene (ca. 3500 B.C.) onward (e.g., the Hunting Culture [3500 B.C.- A.D. 1250] and the Late Period or Dolan Phase [A.D. 1250-1769]). Of interest are both the periods during which these patterns were prevalent and the transitions between periods.

Cultural Transition: 3500 B.C.

For the central coast as a whole, the 3500 B.C. transition is a marked by the disappearance of the Milling Stone pattern and its replacement by the so-called Hunting Culture. As noted as early as 1929 by Rogers the changes in tool assemblages that mark this transition are striking, as Milling Stone components produce substantial numbers of milling slabs, handstones, and core tools with low numbers of projectile points (large side-notched types), while Hunting Culture manifestations show profuse accumulations of large bifacial implements including square-stemmed, contracting-stemmed, and side-notched projectile points, with occasional slabs, handstones, bowl mortars, and pestles. These changes have been attributed to two not entirely mutually exclusive developments. Jones (1995, 1996, 2003) and Jones and Waugh (1995) attribute the mid-Holocene cultural transition to economic intensification, as mobility decreased and the lower-ranked more labor-intensive acorns were added to the diet largely as a consequence of population growth and circumscription. Alternatively, Mikkelsen et al. (2000) argued that the appearance of the Hunting Culture marks the arrival of new people who migrated to the coast in response to early-mid Holocene climatic warming that forced abandonment of drier more inhospitable environments of interior California. More recently, McGuire and Hildebrandt (2002) suggested that increased mid-Holocene hunting is in fact a result of climatic amelioration at the end of the mid-Holocene warm period that increased game populations and fostered in effect a de-intensification in resource use. The degree to which these alternative explanations would result in differential settlement organization vis-a-vis vegetation is not entirely clear, but, at a minimum, it is reasonable to expect that the sharp division between Hunting and Milling Stone expressions should have an associated expression in local settlement patterns.

Cultural Transition A.D. 1250

The change in tool inventories at A.D.1250 marked by the disappearance of the Hunting Culture and the beginning of the Late Period (i.e., appearance of the Dolan Phase) is the most concrete, readily recognizable transition in the FHL area and subsequently the one most amenable to settlement pattern analysis. Previous studies have shown that the changes in artifact inventories at this juncture are abrupt and not easily overlooked. Two alternative explanations can be posed for this transition. First, as the Late Period is commonly associated with a new milling technology--bedrock mortars—the shift could be argued to represent simple economic intensification as acorns and other nut crops were increasingly exploited as labor-intensive resources (Basgall 1987). If this were indeed the case, settlement data should show a shift toward greater use of vegetation communities dominated by oaks.

Alternatively, the A.D.1250 transition has been argued to represent not intensification, but rather de-intensification as a consequence of Medieval droughts (ca. A.D. 800-1350) as the region was witness to large-scale movement of people fleeing to better-watered locations. In this case, settlement signatures of economic intensification should be less apparent.

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METHODS

The study was undertaken to evaluate these issues by examining site distribution patterns over time relative to vegetation types. In December 2003 a total of 443 records from prehistoric or prehistoric/historic sites on file at the FHL cultural resources office were examined to accomplish two initial objectives: identify possible functional site types based on commonly occurring surface features, and assign sites to temporal/cultural periods based on chronologically diagnostic artifacts. Attributes of chronology and function were then added to the existing FHL Arch Info (GIS) data base that includes basic locational information for all sites to create a new interpretive data base that would facilitate evaluation of variation through time in settlement organization. The main variable against which site locations were compared was vegetation.

Site Types

Excavation and survey results show there are five features commonly recorded at FHL sites: bedrock mortars, lithic “scatters,” middens, rock shelters or caves, and chert sources or quarries. Rock art, most often pictographs, also occurs- almost exclusively at rockshelters. Bedrock mortars with no other features are the most common sites found within the installation. With respect to function, these can be interpreted as processing stations used primarily to hull and grind nut crops (acorns, buckeyes, and pine nuts) and other vegetal foods. Such use has been firmly established on the basis of ethnographic observations elsewhere in California. So-called “lithic or flaked stone scatters” are the second most abundant feature documented at sites within FHL. With respect to interpretation, these features are troublesome for a variety of reasons. First, the notion of a “scatter” is a misnomer in that the scatters inevitably show significant depth and are not restricted to surface or near-surface contexts. Second, most of the so-called scatters are associated with midden deposits and are simply the most visible constituent at locations where surface visibility is poor and the anthropogenic nature of the soil is not easily recognized. A recurring pattern at FHL is that sites recorded on the basis of surface finds as lithic scatters have proven to be middens when test excavations are completed (e.g., CA-MNT-332 [Haney and Jones 1997], CA-MNT-569 [Jones and Haney 1997], CA-MNT-910 [this report], CA-MNT-1918 [this report], among others). Lithic scatters without middens or bedrock mortars at FHL are somewhat uncommon within FHL, and many sites that indeed have no other constituents are marked by a general paucity of cultural materials including few if any temporally diagnostic artifacts. Furthermore, there is an important distinction between “flaked stone scatters,” where activities may have been limited to production, and use of flaked stone implements only and “lithic (or stone tool) scatters,” that also contain ground stone implements which imply a wider range of activities. Examples of both types were documented within FHL through excavation by Haney and Jones (1997) who classified flaked stone “scatters” as hunting loci, while deposits containing flaked and ground stone residues/implements were classified as short-term residential sites or camps. These types of sites, are also relatively rare within FHL.

Other than bedrock mortars, the most abundant site features within FHL are midden deposits. All middens excavated to date have produced diverse assemblages of tools and faunal remains indicating that they served as residential bases. Statistical analyses of diversity suggest a range in the intensity of site use reflected by middens (e.g., long-term versus short-term residential sites [Jones 2003]), but in the absence of subsurface data, such distinctions are not reliable. In general, FHL midden deposits have consistently produced assemblages that imply a wider range of activities than isolated bedrock mortars or lithic “scatters.” Many middens are also associated with outcrops of bedrock mortars, but this association has not been assigned any functional significance since middens without BRMs generally produce evidence of the same type of activities in the form of portable grinding equipment.

The final two site features, rock shelters and quarries, are much less common within FHL. Most rock shelters contain middens and clearly functioned as residential bases. The presence of rock art at sites like CA-MNT-256/H (Painted Cave) suggests they may have had special significance in the overall adaptation and therefore they need to be distinguished from other midden locations. Few of the rock shelters can be assigned to a time period, however. Chert quarries are equally difficult, if not impossible to date, and are also problematic. Quarries within FHL also appear to be relatively diffuse as chert is available in a wide variety of forms across much of the installation. Sites were assigned to the quarry category based on the presence of natural stone and evidence of its exploitation (cores and primary reduction debris). A summary of archaeological features and inferred functions employed in the study are as follow:

• Residential base - Midden


• Residential base - Midden with bedrock mortars


• Residential base - Rockshelter with midden


• Processing station - Bedrock mortars


• Encampment - Lithic scatter with both ground and flaked stone


• Hunting station - Flaked stone scatter


• Quarry - Natural chert source and primary reduction debris

Temporal Categories

Figure 1. FHL Vegetation from Osborne (1997)

Site components were assigned to three large temporal/cultural categories based on either radiocarbon results (for the small number of sites from which such data are available) or on temporally diagnostic surface artifacts and/or features. The earliest sites, marking the Milling Stone Culture (8000-3500 B.C.), were expected to show profuse accumulations of handstones, milling slabs, core tools, and small numbers of large side-notched projectile points, although the latter are not exclusive markers of pre-3500 B. C. occupation. Hunting Culture components (3500 B.C. –A.D. 1250) are marked by square-stemmed, contracting-stemmed, and side-notched projectile points and/or large bifaces. The Late Period or Dolan Phase (A.D. 1250-1769) was marked by Desert Side-notched and/or Cottonwood projectile points, and bedrock mortars. Dating of the latter continues to be somewhat speculative, but the vast majority of excavation data from deposits associated with bedrock mortars suggests they date only to the last 750 years. One site, CA-MNT-521, produced substantial evidence for pre-Dolan occupation from a deposit with adjacent bedrock mortars, but the possibility exists that the mortars were actually associated with another nearby, presumably more recent site.

FHL Vegetation

An immediate challenge in attempting to evaluate settlement patterns over time within FHL is ranking of plant communities. Eighteen communities have been identified and mapped within the installation (Osborne 1997), but several of these (pond, vernal swale, and vernal pool) are modern and/or insignificant with respect to acreage within FHL (Figure 1). All of the communities have been altered by historic/contemporary land disturbances, and all contain at least some non-native taxa. These problems not withstanding, it is possible to render hypothetical judgments about the relative value of some of the communities, but a truly empirical, quantitative ranking of all communities is not possible with available information. Admittedly, this makes the current study more of an inductive exercise than a strictly controlled evaluation of alternative hypotheses, but it is our position that there is still some merit to such an analysis despite this apparent shortcoming. Key attributes of the major vegetation communities are summarized in Table 1.

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It can generally be assumed that the mixed chaparral and chamise chaparral communites are ranked relatively low inasmuch as they are associated with the extremely steep, dry eastern slopes of the Santa Lucia Range in the western portion of the installation. Live oak forest is also found in difficult, higher-elevation terrain, and presumably was not greatly desired for human settlement. The riparian communities can be ranked as essentially equal to one another, but where they fall relative to other communities is questionable. During the dry season, they would certainly have been attractive to game animals. In many cases, however, human settlements were probably situated not within these communities but adjacent to them. Distinguishing the differential resource potential of the remaining oak and grassland communities is also conjectural, but it can probably be assumed that communities with oak and pine vegetation offered greater access to nut crops (acorns and pine nuts) while grasslands provided seeds from forbes and grasses. The degree to which either of these was more efficient with respect to caloric returns versus harvesting and processing labor cannot be empirically evaluated. Of major importance in assessing the value of these habits, however, is their suitability as habitat for key game species—deer and rabbits—which needs to be determined in future studies.

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RESULTS

Estimates of the period of occupation were made for a total of 362 sites including 247 dated to the Late Period based on the presence of bedrock mortars. Only two sites showed any suggestion of occupation during the Milling Stone Period: CA-MNT-521 which produced a Milling Stone Period radiocarbon date of ca. 4400 cal. B.C. when excavated (Jones and Haney 1997a) and CA-MNT-508 which produced one milling slab and several handstones. Without subsurface information, the Milling Stone component would not have been recognized at CA-MNT-521 where most of the debris was related to a Hunting Culture occupation.

The vast majority of the available site data reflect Hunting Culture and Late Period habitation. A total of 77 sites was assigned to the Hunting Culture while 253 were assigned to the Late Period (Table 2). Thirty-two sites were dual component, showing surface characteristics consistent with occupation during both periods.

Assigning dual component sites to both time periods and combining closely related vegetation types together, a total of 394 components provide information on Hunting versus Late use of eight vegetation types. For both periods, the valley oak savanna was the preferred community for settlements (39.4% for Hunting and 38.2% for the Late Period) (Figures 2 and 3). The least preferred habitat was live oak woodland with no Hunting Culture sites and only three Late Period sites. For the most part, a certain degree of homogeneity is evident in the vegetation preferences over time, but two changes are also apparent. First, there is a decrease in settlement/use of grasslands from 20 (18.3%) during the Hunting Culture to 31 (10.9%) during the Late Period (Table 3). At the same time, more sites were established in blue oak woodland settings during the Late Period (65 or 22.8% as opposed to 15 or 13.8% by the Hunting Culture). Exploitation of woodland communities overall (blue oak, live oak, and valley oak woodland) increased from 24.8% to 36.2%. A slight increase is also apparent in use of riparian habitats from 4.6% during Hunting times to 7.4% during the Late Period.

The apparent trends in vegetation use are consistent with subjective observations about site location trends in FHL based on excavation results. Many Hunting Culture sites (e.g., CA-MNT-519, -521, -569, -1918) occur on broad, open, alluvial terraces adjacent to major creeks or rivers. Typically these large middens occur in the open, covered with grasses. Many Late Period sites, in contrast, are found in wooded settings on smaller drainages with smaller, more discrete middens (e.g., CA-MNT-879, -910, and -1748/H).

Differences in the settlement signatures of Hunting versus Late are more apparent in site type distribution frequencies (Tables 4 and 5). The 77 Hunting Culture sites included 38 middens, 27 flaked stone scatters, and 12 lithic scatters (both flaked and ground stone surface artifacts). This range of site types is a unique characteristic of the Hunting Culture that distinguishes it from the Late Period when a different set of site types was used. Hunting Culture residential bases (middens) show an even stronger correlation with valley oak savanna vegetation (47.4%) than do Hunting Culture sites in general. Scatters interpreted as camp sites (short-term residential bases) show a nearly identical association with valley oak savanna (N=6; 50%). A significant percentage of flaked stone scatters was also recorded within this vegetation type (N=7; 25.9%) although the most common plant community associated with hunting stations was grassland (N=8; 29.6%). As a generalization, the Hunting Culture seems to be marked by a preference for valley oak savanna for residential sites and use of grasslands for hunting.

Figure 2. Distribution of Hunting Culture Sites relative to vegetation.	Figure 3. Distribution of Late Period sites relative to vegetation.

Figure 4. Distribution of Late Period midden sites relative to vegetation.	Figure 5. Distribution of Late Period sites with midden’s/BRM’s relative to vegetation.

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Figure 6. Distribution of Bedrock Mortar sites with no associated materials in relation to vegetation.

Of the 253 components assigned exclusively to the Late Period, 71 were middens (Table 5, Figure 4). The vast majority of these (66) had associated bedrock mortars, indicating that the most common Late Period residential site type was the midden/BRM complex (Figure 5). A total of 181 sites consisted of bedrock mortar outcrops with no associated midden or other artifacts (Figure 6). Only one flaked stone scatter was attributed to the Late Period which contrasts markedly with the Hunting Culture. The plant community most commonly associated with residential sites was the valley oak savanna (N=26; 36.6%), followed by blue oak woodland (N=17; 23.9%). The location of bedrock mortar stations closely parallels the distribution of residential sites with 39.2% located within valley oak savanna and 23.8% in blue oak woodland. This suggests that most bedrock mortars were located in the same communities as residential sites and that these processing stations were probably connected to individual residential sites. Most of the bedrock mortar features probably represent processing that was undertaken fairly close to the home base as part of daily domestic activities. The processing stations generally do not seem to represent bulk processing of resources acquired at great distances away from residential sites.

With respect to vegetation, the biggest difference between the Hunting Culture and the Late Period is an increased reliance on blue oak and valley oak woodland communities during the Late Period as the number of residential sites in these settings increased substantially after A.D.1250 (from N=7; 18.4% to N=27; 38%). From the Hunting Culture into the Late Period, the use of this plant community effectively doubled. It can be inferred with a fair amount of certainty that this represents a trend toward economic intensification as these woodlands provide habitat for blue oaks, gray pines, and buckeye trees. Blue oak trees and their acorn crops are considerably smaller than those of valley oaks, and the increased use of this community (the most prevalent type within FHL) seems to represent intensified use of these more ubiquitous but labor-intensive (lower ranked) resources.

It should also be noted, however, that a certain degree of consistency is apparent in site location trends relative to vegetation over time within FHL. A disruption in settlement continues to be suggested across the A.D.1250 transition as only 32 of 362 sites showed evidence for use during both intervals, but the preferred habitat for residential site location during both the Hunting Culture and during the Late Period was valley oak savanna.

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SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

Systematic evaluation of site location patterns over time relative to vegetation shows some strong patterns. First, a review of all site records and excavation data available at the installation continues to show almost no evidence for occupation during the Milling Stone Period (pre 3500 B.C.). Visibility, differential preservation, and sampling problems may, however, be contributing to this absence. Findings from the one site that produced a Milling Stone component (CA-MNT-521) suggest that Milling Stone expressions are likely to be found at sites that were also witness to later habitation (e.g., Hunting Culture sites) and that earlier materials may only be found when these multi-component deposits are excavated. The densest concentration of archaeological sites within FHL, regardless of temporal period, is in the Nacimiento River drainage, particularly Stony Valley. This area is a likely to also contain evidence of occupation during the Milling Stone Period.

In contrast with Milling Stone, the Hunting Culture is strongly represented within the installation with no fewer than 77 components. This complex is represented by a distinctive set of site types including middens, lithic scatters, and flaked stone scatters are interpreted as residential bases, camps and hunting stations respectively. Hunting Culture residential sites are most heavily found in valley oak savanna while their hunting stations are found in grasslands.

The sharp contrast between Hunting and Milling Stone (i.e., the widespread evidence for this complex as opposed to near absence of the Milling Stone) seems consistent with a population migration rather than simply slow, incremental population growth. The alternative, that it represents a threshold of population circumscription cannot be entirely ruled out, but the key characteristic suggested by the presently available data is of a sudden increase in population. The establishment of residential sites in the valley oak savannas (particularly in the Nacimiento drainage) seems to signal the emergence of the basic oak forest adaptation that characterized the FHL prehistory for the latter half of the Holocene. Almost certainly this subsistence mode included some use of nut crops (processed in portable grinding vessels [bowl and cobble mortars]) and heavy exploitation of available game populations, predominately deer.

The disappearance of the Hunting Culture and its replacement by the Dolan Phase during the Late Period is associated with a change in settlement that shows some holdovers from the previous system (continued preference for occupation in valley oak savanna) along with a new emphasis on blue oak and valley oak woodland. The most common Late Period residential site type was the midden/BRM complex, while non-residential sites were almost exclusively limited to bedrock mortar stations. The BRMs were generally established in the same blue oak woodland and valley oak savanna habitats that were preferred for residential sites. These processing stations probably represent grinding activities that were undertaken fairly close to the home base as part of the daily domestic routine. The Late Period site type distribution seems to reflect economic intensification with greater reliance on more ubiquitous but labor-intensive blue oak acorns, pine nuts, and buckeye nuts. This represents emergence of a specialized subsistence mode than the earlier, more generalized oak forest adaptation. The earlier focus on hunting reflected by flaked stone scatters was replaced by Late Period pattern of residential sites and bedrock mortars concentrated in the blue oak woodland and valley oak savanna. This pattern can be equated with the ethnographic Salinan. Its appearance is still perceived as somewhat abrupt in that it was preceded by a noticeable disruption in settlement, but the greater frequency of processing sites and inferred reliance on lower-ranked nut resources suggests that population may have been higher during the Late Period. The qualitative shift from the Hunting Culture to the ethnographic Salinan pattern seems fairly distinctive, and the possibility that it reflects a population intrusion caused by Medieval droughts cannot be ruled out particularly in light of growing evidence for prolonged aridity during the Medieval Period (see Cook et al. 2004).

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