Introduction  
  Mosaics--slivers of tile in shades of red, blue, brown, black, and white jigged-sawed together--are on display throughout Tunisia.  Some form geometric designs; others reveal gods and goddesses, warriors, lovers, ships, and, of course, all sorts of fish.  The Bardo Museum holds one of the most impressive collections of mosaics in the world.  On its walls they hang; some stretch yards in length and width while others are confined to mere inches.  The most valuable ones are even shielded behind glass panes.  In spite of these impressive galleries at the Bardo Museum, however, I prefer to gaze on the humbler mosaics.  

  Those mosaics which have not been uprooted from their time and place are still to be found in archeological sites in Kerkouane, Utica, Bella Regia, Dougga, and Sbeitla.  Often covered by dust and footprints of travelers, the mosaics appear at first glance to lack the vitality of their museum counterparts.  Yet these collections of ceramic entrenched in the floors of ancient temples, baths, and villas are much better able to reveal Tunisia's past and present.  These same unprotected mosaics, dulled in color and chipped by the harsh external environment, are magically transformed when water is poured on their surface.  Guides and knowledgeable visitors often, in fact, carry a bottle of water in order to sprinkle these artifacts which rest under the hot North African sun.  In the winter months, the rains wash away the debris.  And it is at these moments that one witnesses the colorful splendor of Tunisian mosaics.  

  Mosaics are sometimes multi-layered.  They tell of the waves of civilizations which came to Tunisia.  Punic mosaics with pink stone surfaces flecked with fragments of glass or marble gave way to Roman creations with intricate patterns of triangles and diamonds.  Native North African mosaics with circular compositions and frequent portrayals of rural and marine scenes were replaced by Christian representations with colored block-like shapes and later motifs concerning martyrdom and resurrection.  Finally, Byzantine mosaics with cut glass and figurative representations appeared.  Since then other groups have arrived and formed communities.  Some continued to live in these ancient cities.  Once again these magical stone floors were transformed by additional layers of rock, wood, or carpet.  

  I believe these mosaics reveal much about Tunisia.  They suggest that beneath the dusty surface lie ornately textured and colorful layers which are often hidden from the hurried traveler.  They also warn that it is impossible to entirely reconstruct or reconcile all of the experiences of this country.  These mosaics delight yet haunt us because of their ambiguity.  Numerous questions arise when reflecting upon these compositions of tile.  We wonder in particular about the residents of these ancient communities:  Who were they?  When did they live?  Where did they eat, work, worship, and play?  How did they forge a common society?  And finally, what is their legacy in the Tunisia of today?  

  This presentation is an attempt to describe and examine my experience in Tunisia.  From 1995-97, I served as a Fulbright Senior Lecturer at the University of Tunis.  

Preparation  
My initiation into this Fulbright experience was a bit unsettling.  After applying for a sabbatical and being notified early in 1995 that I had been selected for a Fulbright award in Tunisia, my family and I waited for a contract and, more importantly, a check for travel and living expenses.  Despite frequent telephone calls (on our part) and assurances (on their part), nothing arrived from Washington, D. C.  Subsequently I have learned that my experience is not uncommon.  In my case the contract and then the check arrived two weeks before our departure.  I was informed that I was one of 800 American grantees who would travel abroad under the Fulbright Program.  With our possessions either piled in storage or compressed into eight pieces of luggage, my wife and I with two toddlers embarked on our journey to Tunisia with another child ready to join us in the summer.  
  
  "A modest program with immodest aims" was how Senator Fulbright described the 50 year old program which bears his name.  To date, over  200.000 individuals from around the world have participated as lecturers and researchers.  Richard Arndt (1993: 1) in a book entitled The Fulbright Difference describes the success of the program:  "No other nation in the world's history ever set out to carry on exchanges with virtually every other country in the world. . . .  No formal government-sponsored exchange program ever succeeded in persuading dozens of participating nations to share in its costs."  

  The purpose of the Fulbright Program, as worded in the updated legislation of 1961, proclaims the goal of increasingly "mutual understanding between the people of the U.S. and the people of other countries."  Senator Fulbright had been inspired to create the Program based on his experience as a Rhodes Scholar.  Originally it was conceived of as a post-graduate experience for students and researchers.  Later, of course, lecturers were invited to join.  

  I doubt whether the good Senator ever envisioned baby bottles, toys, and a collapsible crib being squeezed into a Fulbrighter's luggage next to  books and computer equipment.  In fact, at a conference several years before his death, the Senator exclaimed that the Fulbright Program had been conceived of for graduate students and not--I quote-- "faculty with their 'whole damn families'"  (quoted in Robins and Robins 1993: 114).  Although I think the preference for researchers, particularly in the form of graduate students, is gradually being readopted by the Fulbright Commission, I believe professors--even or perhaps especially with their "whole damn families"--have valuable  opportunities to gain and share insights due to their Fulbright experience.  

Arrival and Living Conditions  
  El Abdari, a thirteenth century traveler described his entrance into Tunisia in this way: We arrived at Tunis, object of all our hopes, focus of the flame of every  gaze, rendezvous of travellers from East and West.  This is where fleets  and caravans come to meet.  Here you will find everything a man  could desire.  You want to go by land?  Here are endless companions  for your journey.  You prefer the sea?  Here are boats for every  direction.  Tunis is a crown whose every jewel is a district, its suburbs  are like a flower-garden constantly refreshed by the breeze.  If you come  to her watering-places, she will quench your thirst; if you fall back on  her resources, she will cure your problems; her gardens are like brides,  her worth is written in many books.  

  Tunisia is an Arab, African, and Mediterranean country which has long served as crossroads between East and West.  It is the northernmost African country with only 85 miles separating it from Sicily.  Its neighbors, of course, are Algeria and Morocco to the west and Libya and Egypt to the east.  It is blessed with certain natural resources and 750 miles of coastline.  
  
  Throughout the past three thousand years, many civilizations have left their mark on Tunisia.  Albert Memmi, a renown Tunisian Jewish novelist, accurately describes the bewilderment one encounters when trying to appreciate Tunisia's past.  In his novel The Statue of Salt, the young hero offers this reaction:  When I learned some history I suffered from vertigo; Phoenicians,  Romans, Vandals, Byzantines, Berbers, Arabs, Spaniards, Turks,  Italians, and French.  I forgot them all and became confused.  Five  hundred steps in Tunisia and one changes civilizations. In spite of successive invasions, however, Tunisians have had a remarkable ability to merge the foreign with the familiar.  

  Present-day Tunisia has a population of approximately nine million.  Geographically, in the  North, many areas resemble France and Italy.  In the far South, of course, the Sahara begins its endless sprawl.  Tunis is a city of about 2 million inhabitants.  The fading French influence is still apparent in the architecture of old buildings and the boulevards traversing the city.  

  Opinions concerning the livability of Tunisia vary greatly depending upon where one has lived previously and how long one has lived in the country.  While those coming from Europe or the U.S. may find living conditions difficult, expatriates moving to Tunisia from other African or Arab countries may be pleasantly surprised with housing, traffic conditions, and availability of food and consumer goods.  We found conditions seemed much easier during our second year.  

  The U.S. Department classifies Tunisia as a "hardship post" with a medium security risk, and thus members of the American diplomatic core receive a pay differential along with additional vacation time.  Our standard of living was somewhat below that of embassy personnel and oil executives with large villas, guards, and drivers, but above that of my colleagues at the University of Tunis.  Although settling in was a bit of a challenge, I would not characterize living in Tunisia as a "hardship."  
  
  Fulbright lecturers and researchers enjoy a considerable amount of autonomy around the world.  While a portion of their salaries are paid by the U.S. government,  all parties concerned want to avoid any linkage between Fulbrighters and employees of the State Department or other branches of the U.S. government.  In quite a few countries, binational Fulbright commissions have been established to assist grantees in carrying out their duties.  Tunisia, probably because of its size and other factors, does not have such a commission, and thus we were on our own to a large extent.  

  Searching for housing and dealing with the massive bureaucracy were perhaps the most difficult tasks.  Equipped with a map of Tunis and housing advertisements from the two majors newspapers La Presse and L'Action, we set off in numerous taxis with toddlers in our arms to find a residence to call home.  We were fortunate to find a furnished house in La Marsa--located several minutes from ancient Carthage and the Mediterranean.  Stomach bugs which the children picked up early on were also difficult to cope with.   Lisa spent many days early on washing clothes and linens by hand covered with children's  bodily excretions.  Fortunately the children became accustomed to these new bugs, and we also found a used washing machine to purchase.  Concerning the bureaucracy, early on I devoted several days a week to obtaining all the necessary document, stamps, and signatures for housing, teaching, conducting research, driving, and leaving or re-entering the country.  
  
  Even early on we found Tunisians to be very kind and hospitable towards us.  Although I had been warned about some lingering resentment due to the Gulf War (when in fact many Westerners had been evacuated), I never experienced any such hostility.  In fact, Tunisians were only too ready to embrace our fair skinned, blond-haired children.  On one occasion I remember even a traffic officer stopping the flow of cars in an intersection in order to embrace one of our children.  

  Concerning personal safety, we felt very much at ease (except of course for the real fears associated with driving in Tunisia).  We could go anywhere at anytime without worry.  Certain Westerners have at times confided in me that Tunisia is in fact a "police state" only to then exclaim that very little violent crime exists in this country.  There is a correlation between these two factors.  True police officers and members of the military are present everywhere, surveillance of both Tunisians and foreigners occurs commonly, and freedom of the press as well as true democracy does not exist.  And yet at the same time, in a country wedged in between Algeria (where at least 80,000 have been killed with the current conflict) and Libya (where numerous human rights violations occur), Tunisia is an oasis of relative calm.  The Tunisian government, however, is grappling with the reality that efforts to modernize and privatize must be linked with liberties in other areas.  

The University  
  The Fulbright Commission in consultation with the Ministry of Higher Education placed me as a professor in the English Department at the University of Tunis I.  Following the French university system, faculties in Tunisia are categorized by Roman numeral:  the University of Tunis I designates the faculties of letters, arts, and human sciences, II deals with the faculties of sciences and medicine, and III concerns the faculties of law, economics, and business.  I have seen it written that the University of Tunis is as one of the oldest higher education institutions in the world.  This claim is only partially accurate.  While Zitouna University, the Islamic studies institution founded in 732, was incorporated into the University of Tunis in 1961, the other faculties were only created after independence in 1956.  
  
  My students' English language proficiency level was impressive.  English, of course, is their fourth language--after Tunisian Arabic, Classical Arabic, and French.  In spite of the fact that Tunisia has a level of linguistic homogeneity probably not found anywhere else in the world (an estimated 99% speak Tunisian Arabic), Tunisians have a remarkable ability to learn other languages.  Certainly this predisposition for language acquisition has been aided by two related factors:  first, Tunisians have had a history of invasions and contact with neighboring countries due to its geographic position; second, as a small country with limited natural resources, Tunisians are obligated to communicate with speakers of other languages particularly for purposes of trade and tourism.  In addition to the four languages I just mentioned, it is not uncommon for certain Tunisians to speak German and/or Italian.  

  Multilingual faculty meetings in the English Department also intrigued me.  The code-switching which occurs between languages is a fascinating linguistic phenomenon.  During meetings many of my colleagues would offer a contribution in English, only to switch to French upon becoming more earnest, and then adopt Arabic when reaching a certain level of enthusiasm or anger.  

  The Tunisian university system is very elitist with only a small percentage of students gaining admittance and an even smaller percentage graduating.   The students were sometimes confused by my American pedagogical practices. Required attendance, quizzes, group work, and oral presentations were new experiences for many of them.  Little incentive exits for these activities or even for assigning research papers because 80% of the final grade for undergraduates and 100% of the final grade for graduates is determined by year-end exams.  This requirement as well as many others is passed down by the Ministry of Higher Education.  

  The lecture format is alive and well in English Departments in Tunisia, and the emphasis in literature classes is on "explication de texte."  Typically two novels are assigned for a class which meets the entire academic year.  Students are taught to engage in extremely close reading and analysis of the text.  Invariably, exams require students to read a text and then "situate the passage," "comment on characterization," and "deal with point of view."  I have learned the value of this type of analysis; however, initially it was quite strange to spend half of the year (or about 12 hours) on the same novel which I taught in a week (or four hours) in the U.S.  

  Teaching at the University of Tunis required a flexibility that I had to become accustomed to.  Administrators, faculty, and students are never certain when academic terms begin or end and when exams are scheduled.  I quickly discarded my syllabi which listed reading assignments corresponding to specific dates and decided to go with the flow.  For the most part my students were receptive to their courses and my presence as a professor.  A few, of course, were skeptical about the entire arrangement.  I had been warned previously by both Tunisians and Americans that my class would have one or two "spies" who would report back to the authorities about what went on in class.  I figured, however, this would at least ensure that these students were paying attention, and thus I decided not to worry about it.  
  
  Textbooks as well as other equipment are in short supply in Tunisia.  Universities have copy centers on campus where entire books are photocopied and then sold to students.  Without hard currency to be able to purchase texts from the West, universities are practically obligated to violate copyright laws.  Students who have only known this type of system are deprived of the pride of book ownership.  Moreover, they are less apt to understand and respect practices concerning intellectual property.  As for other equipment used in teaching, I was amused when one colleague declared in all seriousness in a faulty meeting, "It is time we embraced new technology in this department.  We must acquire overhead projectors for the classroom."  Needless to say, access to the world-wide web and use of CD ROMs is not on the horizon.  

  English departments in Tunisia are separated in to three programs:  literature, linguistics, and civilization.  Although I had anticipated teaching in the first two areas, I was a bit surprised to be involved in teaching what is broadly know as civilization.  I proposed a graduate level course in American Multiculturalism which kept me busy early on.  Many Tunisians, certainly influenced by their countryÕs complex relationship with France, have a great interest in this field, and I learned along with them while examining issues such as immigration policy and history, linguistic diversity, and literary representations in the U.S.  In addition, I was asked to teach an undergraduate course in U.S. Life.  

  Class discussions were also illuminating.   In applied linguistics, studying multilingualism was revealing in a country where tremendous resources are channeled into language learning.  In literature, analyzing the growth or maturation process of young Henry Fleming in The Red Badge of Courage  took on new meaning when grappling with issues of courage, heroism, and cowardice.  In a country where military service is obligatory, and in the past the armed forces have been called in to end food riots, labor demonstrations, and manifestations by Islamists as well as protect its borders, this text influenced my classes composed of 20-22 year old students.  And in civilization,  exploring issues such as the American democratic process during the elections or  freedom of the press was interesting in a country where such practices are very limited.  

  The challenge in Tunisian English Departments is to offer university degrees in English within an Arab country using a French educational system. I am certain I learned as much as my students throughout this experience.  
  
Research Activities  
  I also went to Tunisia as a Fulbrighter to conduct research in language policy and planning (see Battenburg 1997; 1997).   If you will, language policy deals with explicit or implicit statements, objectives, and laws concerning language use.  Language policy address three issues:  Which languages will be taught (or learned)?  By  whom?  And for  what purposes?  Language planning, in contrast, constitutes a systematic course of action to be taken to maintain or alter existing language policy.  Language planning is concerned with implementing policy decisions in the field.  

  Immediately after independence in Tunisia, Morocco, and Algeria, the linguistic situation was described by Gallagher (1964: 83) as follows:  In North Africa, Òlanguage serves as this kind of symbol--of affinities and aspirations, as direction and identification--and as a tool for reordering, re-creating, and seeking propitious ground in which to put down renewed roots."  
  
  Today, Arabic, of course, is the official language.  In Tunisia, as in other neighboring countries, the status of Arabic is clearly stated.  Article One of the Tunisian Constitution, for example,  proclaims:  "Islam is its religion, Arabic is its language."  The problem, though, is that no agreement exists as to what constitutes "the Arabic language."  Similar to other Arab countries, a diglossia exists in which Arabic is divided into "higher" varieties (composed of Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic) and "lower" colloquial varieties which themselves are represented by local dialects.  

  The French language and culture have continued to permeate North Africa long after the withdrawal of the French as a colonial and protectorate power, yet they are slowly losing their prominence due to Arabization in education and Islamization in society at large.  Determining the number of North Africans who use French is difficult for two reasons:  first, considerable variation exists concerning language proficiency level; and second, code-switching between Arabic and French is an extremely common phenomenon.  The gradual decline in the use and status of French is subtle yet significant.  

  Berber is yet another language of North Africa.  Berberphones represent approximately 40 percent of the Moroccan population, 25 percent of the Algerian population, but less than one percent of the Tunisian population. For centuries, these original inhabitants of North Africa have continued their proud struggle to preserve their language and culture.  The Berber language appears in television and radio broadcasts, magazines, and newspapers in Morocco and Algeria.  In Tunisia, however, it is confined to use in small villages of the desert south.  

  Although Arabic, French and Berber will remain the principle languages of North Africa for the foreseeable future, English is gradually being adopted into sectors of society.  I was particularly interested in examining the issue of second languages in competition--or the continued use of French versus the spread of English.  My research activities focused on language in education, government, the professions, and mass media.  

  Sociolinguist Joshua Fishman (1983: 20) has observed concerning language choice and loyalty, ÒEnglish is less loved but more used; French is more loved and less used.Ó  In North Africa, however, various researchers have discovered the opposite--while French is more used; English is more loved.  A gap exists, of course, between language preference and language use.  However, it is significant that while English is slowing gaining prominence in former francophone territories, French has been unable to make inroads in anglophone territories.  
  
  The rivalry between English and French in Tunisia as well as in other African and Arab countries is far from over.  Since the beginning of their "civilizing mission," the French have used their linguistic and cultural dominance to establish and maintain political and economic ties.  Although French prestige has diminished considerably in the latter part of the twentieth century, its role in world affairs has been maintained to a large degree by exerting influence over former colonies and protectorates.  

  Foreign aid to Tunisia illustrates the relative importance which certain governments place on influencing language policy decisions and planning initiatives.  Although these figures were not easy to obtain, I found that in 1996 the American government contributed an estimated six hundred thousand dollars and the British government allocated about four hundred thousand dollars for language, cultural, and educational activities.  The French government, in contrast,  spent approximately twenty million dollars for such programs within Tunisia.  One British official, in describing his budget to me, exclaimed only somewhat jokingly:  "The French spend more in a morning than we do in a year."  

  Still, other forces in North Africa argue in favor of the spread of English.  In Morocco, I visited the first anglophone university--Al Alkawayne (the two brothers).  This institution, created in 1995 with financial support from King Fahd of Saudi Arabia and King Hassan II of Morocco, is already viewed as one of the finest universities in North Africa.  In Algeria, parties such as the Islamic Salvation Front have pushed for the adoption of Arabic internally and the use of English as a lingua franca externally.  If French provides a window to the outside world, they argue English offers an even larger window.  

  Perhaps the most recent and significant example of English gaining prominence over French in the Arab World is in Lebanon.  Although such a shift must be viewed in terms of the conflict between Muslims and Christians and the resulting civil war, it is also apparent that Tunisia and Lebanon possess certain common traits.  U.S. Ambassador Parker (1987: 53) writes,  
Both countries are the smallest in their respective regions both have limited natural resources, both have catered to  Mediterranean tourism with considerable success  
and both are marked by a practical approach, trying to avoid letting  ideology get in the  way of making a living, but not always succeeding. The gradual shift from French to English in Tunisia and indeed in all of North Africa will not be as profound as in Lebanon; however, study of English language policy and planning in countries such as Lebanon should provide important lessons as Tunisia makes decisions concerning its linguistic future.  In addition, research should focus on varieties of English spoken in the Arab world.  

  Dorian (1982: 47) writes, "language loyalty persists as long as the economic and social circumstances are conducive to it, but is some other language proves to have greater value, a shift to that other language begins."  Such shifts are occurring in Tunisia with both the spread of English and the obsolescence of Berber.  I was fortunate to  interview various Berbers and as well as visit their villages in the south.  In brief, the decline and eventual death of the Berber language in Tunisia has been predicted by linguists throughout this century.  Today, only six villages are entirely Berberphone and all of the residents also speak Arabic.  Even the President of the Berber Association whom I interviewed states that Berbers will not be able to maintain their language, yet perhaps certain traditions, crafts, and architecture can be preserved.  
  
  Conducting research in Tunisia is a frustrating, exhilarating, and memorable experience.  On the one hand, access to libraries is not always easily obtained, and one can wait weeks if not months for a requested publication or a photocopy.  On the other hand, Tunisian government officials and academics are typically happy to be of assistance.  In my case, many doors were opened to me as a Fulbrighter.  

  I spent countless hours with my laptop computer in libraries.  These facilities ranged from French and American sponsored research centers to the Tunisian National Library to the Institute of Arabic Belles Lettres run by the Catholic White Fathers.  I have fond memories of sitting in underheated libraries with stacks of books and journals.  Sometimes after working most of the day, I would wander off into the markets in the medina to lose myself among the stalls and sellers of spices, fabrics, jewelry, and household wares.  

Impact of the Fulbright Program  
  It is difficult to qualify and quantify the impact of the Fulbright Program.  Certainly its influence is seen all over the world.  In Tunisia for example, not only have Fulbright lecturers and researchers been active for some twenty years, but certain Tunisian officials and academics have studied in the U.S. as Fulbrighters.  The Minister of Culture, for example, completed a Fulbright at Berkeley.  In another case, I know of a university in Tunisia in which the President, Dean, and Chair of the English Department have all participated in the Fulbright Program at different times.  Does this really make a difference?  I am certain it does, for those who form the Fulbright alumni have gained rich academic, cultural and linguistic experiences which foster understanding--understanding of themselves as well as understanding of others.  

  Budget cuts have had a devastating effect on the Fulbright Program.  Prior to my arrival in Tunisia in 1995, the U.S. Embassy and United States Information Service in Tunis celebrated the 50th anniversary of the Fulbright Program a year early for fear that the program might be discontinued due to insufficient funding.  If reductions in funding continue, the Fulbright Program will be forced to choose from an increasing limited pool of candidates.  

Concluding Remarks  
  In many ways, being a Fulbrighter represents a trade-off.  Particularly in developing countries, one accepts certain inconveniences in order to benefit immensely from the privilege of teaching and conducting research overseas.  The Fulbright experience has offered me opportunities to interact with a wider circle of colleagues and students.  It has provided me with additional insights in living abroad.  And it has given me new perspectives on myself, my discipline, and my home and host country.  I feel fortunate to have benefited from such experiences.  

John Battenburg, Cal Poly Professor  
Fulbright Senior Lecturer  

References  
Arndt, Richard T.  and David Lee Rubin, eds.  1993.  The Fulbright Difference, 1948-1992.  New Brunswick, NJ:  Transaction.  

Arndt, Richard T.  1993.  Introduction.  In Arndt and Rubin, eds.  1-12.  

Battenburg, John D.  1996.  "English in the Maghreb."  English Today:  The International Review of the English Language 12.4 (1996):  3-14.  

---.  1997.  "English versus French:  Language Rivalry in Tunisia"  World Englishes 16.2 (1997):  281-290.  

Dorian, Nancy.  1982.  Language loss and maintenance in language contact situations.  In R. Lambert and B. Freed, eds.  The Loss of Language Skills. Rowley, Massachusetts:  Newbury House.  

Fishman, Joshua A.  1983.  "Sociology of English as an additional language."  In Braj B. Kachru, ed.  The Other Tongue:  English Across Cultures,.  15-22.  Oxford:  Pergamon.  

Gallagher, Charles F.  1964.  North African problems and prospects,  Part III:  Language and Identity.  AUFUS Reports, North African Series 10.5. 83-104.  

Parker, Richard B.  1987.  North Africa:  Regional Tensions and Strategic Concerns.  Revised and updated edition.  New York:  Praeger.  

Robins, Arthur J. and Betty D. Robins.  1993.  On stepping into rivers:  
Fulbright and UN Experiences.  In Arndt and Rubin, eds.  110-123.